The kingdom and church vindicated against Osorius, a popish writer. Dr. Haddon writes in answer to him; and so doth John Fox. Osorius printed in English: and Musculus' Common Places. The Bible and other church books published in Welsh. Some miscellaneous matters. A strange effect of joy. The queen at Windsor this winter reads much.

This year came forth a state-book; being a necessary quarrel of this church, and defence of this country, writ in answer to Hieronymus Osorius, a Portugueze, who the last year published a malicious libel against England, and the reformation of religion here, by way of letter to the queen; intending to persuade her to return to the Roman Catholic faith, as hath been mentioned already. The answerer, who seems to be pitched upon for this work by secretary Cecil, was Dr. Walter Haddon, master of requests to the queen, a man of great abilities in learning, and experience of the state and affairs of this nation, and withal had an excellent Ciceronian style: to be even with the said Osorius, whose Latin was the only thing that recommended his book. But his treatment of the queen, and her kingdom and people, was so rude and uncivil, and his arguments so weak and childish, that the said Haddon gave this short character of him, "That he was a most perverse, overthwart brawler, who, besides a commendable facility in the Latin tongue, could profit the public nothing at all."

Haddon framed his answer in a letter to him, entitled, Gual. Haddonus Hieronymo Osorio Lusitano S.D. Therein answering all the trite objections of papists, then tossed up and down against the late proceedings of England, and clearing the steps that were taken by the queen and her council and parliament. And therefore very well worthy to have some account given of it in this place; having been drawn up by great deliberation, and overlooked by the secretary and sir Thomas Smith; and serving for a public vindication of this nation: the like to which I know none as yet set forth, except bishop Jewell's Apology the last year. This choice letter remaineth among Haddon's Lucubrations, published in the year 1567: but being out of the hands of most, and in Latin, I will give some brief account of it.

He told Osorius, the reason he wrote this letter to him was, to correct (yet without offence or bitter difference) his mistake of the state of England, taken up from false surmises and reports, and to rectify the opinions of others, which perhaps his writings had prejudiced. That whereas Osorius had ascribed the public decrees, made for reforming religion, to a great many uncertain obscure men, and excluded the queen from this transaction, it was to be attributed either to his dissimulation, or his ignorance of our customs. For the custom of England is, that no laws are made, to which the whole state is obliged to submit and obey, but by the assent and consent of the common people, the nobility, together with the approbation of the prelates of the church, and the command of the prince. Therefore, if any thing else had been told him, it was a lie in the author of it, and in him too much credulity.

He observed, how Osorius began with a terrible complaint, that a multitude of men, he knew not who, had estranged themselves from the truth of apostolical religion, and had brought in a new one, unknown before, but boasting much of pleasure and liberty: but that in truth that religion was most pestilent, and abounded with floods of innumerable evils. Then he assaulted the authors of this new religion; against whom he thundered out thick and horrible flames of reproaches, and that nothing could be thought more detestable than they. Then he roared out against the religion itself; that it was to be accursed, avoided, abhorred: and that the authors of it were murderers, sorcerers, overthrowers of commonwealths, enemies of mankind. But to this, Haddon challenged him to come to particulars, and to shew who these were, and wherein this religion came to have such a character. That for his part, he could not but lift up his hands to Almighty God, most heartily thanking him, that he had dispersed the deep darkness of the former times by the sunshine of the gospel. By the want of the knowledge whereof first, and afterwards the trusting in superstitions, we wallowed securely in the sink of sin; believing that, whatsoever wickedness we had done, to have it pardoned by the lead of the pope's bulls, and by muttering over of prayers not understood. But the authority of the holy scriptures at length sounded in our ears, and so terrified our consciences, that, laying aside and casting away the inventions of men, we took refuge in the free mercy of God only; in like manner attending to that which was commanded by the prophet, to conform our manners to holiness and righteousness.

And whereas, in a long address to her majesty, Osorius advised, that she and all princes should provide and take care they were not dethroned by this new and hitherto unknown sect; Haddon shewed how she flourished in all prosperity, loving her subjects, and being beloved by them, and not perceiving the least air of those tumults vainly prophesied of by him. It is true, there had been some danger of a French tempest; but that was now pacified: and whence it first blew, it was easy to tell. [He means, not from the professors of religion, but from the Guisians, a bigoted popish faction.]

Then Osorius mentioneth a sort of men lately come in, who were to purge the church from all the dregs of the errors of the schools, and to reduce it again to the sincerity of the institution of the apostles, and to represent to the Christian world the truth founded in the gospel of Christ, long since oppressed by gain and ambition: that the glory of God, obscured by the dreams of men, might be advanced by the clear and broad light of the holy scriptures. These men, whom he had thus scoffingly described, sometimes he makes sport with, sometimes shews his stomach against, and sometimes declaims and exclaims upon them: and this new sect was the enemies, which (as pests of this realm) he would have cut off from the queen's majesty, and cast away. But Haddon, on the other side, esteemed these professors of the gospel to be the servants of God, sent from heaven to us, to awake us out of our sloth in these dangerous times of the declining world; that these men quickened our lingering, refuted our errors, and rebuked our impieties: and then biddeth Osorius see how wide his opinion of these men was from his.

But now Osorius begins to take the persons of the chiefest reformers to task; and asketh, if they were more perfect in all the praise of piety, than Athanasius, Basil, Ambrose, Hierom, and Augustin. Haddon replied, that these reformers, many of them, were of excellent learning and most blameless manners. But, not to make odious comparisons between worthy men, he asserted, in behalf of these modern doctors, that they did conspire with those venerable fathers, that they went the same way with them, and delivered the same sum of religion as they did: and if so, comparison between persons that agree was idle; if not, he bade Osorius shew wherein they differed. That Augustin complained, that in his time they were overwhelmed with floods of ceremonies, that the condition of Christians was almost worse than that of the Jews. Hierom wished the holy scriptures (which from the Romanists' churches were wholly thrown off and hidden) might be learned by women and children. Basil employed all his leisure in learning himself, and teaching others, the holy business of divinity: and if monks had lived according to Basil's institutions, not a man had touched them so much as with their finger. That Athanasius's creed had a just veneration, nor was there any question between him and us. But Osorius had only named these ancient fathers barely, and no more.

He passed on to reprove our later reformers: beginning with Luther; whose ghost he tore with evil speeches, reproaching him for a bold, for a popular, nay, for a madman. That man of God, said Haddon, whom you thus miscal, rendered a sound and sober account of his faith in an august assembly before the emperor Charles; that madman stood safe against the wisest patrons of your church thirty years, however they raged against his safety.

As for Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr, they, by the great goodness of God to this island, were brought over hither. Let all their enemies lay their heads together; and then let us see what envy itself can lay to their charge, as to the lives of those reverend fathers. O golden pair of aged men, of most happy memory! Whose books by them made were the witnesses of their doctrine. And had as many approvers of their manners, as they had men that lived with them and knew them.

Then Osorius skippeth to our doctrine. And therein he disapproveth of our urging the holy scriptures only; and that we admitted only the holy scriptures to be our counsel, rejecting all human authors. If it were so, said Haddon, we should in that but follow the practice of our Lord Jesus Christ, the custom of the apostles, and of the ancient fathers in the first times of the church. But it was otherwise: for we made use of the opinions of the approved interpreters of all times, as our books testify, which openly confuted this calumny of his.

Next, Osorius played with our perfection, which some of ours, as he gave out, boasted of in their lives; and yet he said they were convinced of wicked deeds daily. But Haddon said, It was false that they arrogated any thing to themselves above the condition of human nature: and it was a slander to defame their conversations.

He found great fault, that such companies of virgins and monks, shut up to celebrate the glory of God, and defend the chastity of their bodies, were sent forth by us, and exposed to lusts and all licentiousness of life: and their houses disposed of for gain; and that laws were made that religion should not hinder lust. Haddon freely confessed those dens of wickedness were demolished by the good advices of some among us. Into which places tender maids were thrust, and poor boys, with so great a violation of manners, as his modesty would not suffer him to declare. That those workshops of wickedness had almost nothing else but pharisaical daily prayers in an unknown tongue; the rest of the things performed there within might be resembled to the old bacchanalia of Rome. And that therefore God had stirred up the minds of our people, who piously advised, that such numerous companies skulking in most corrupt corners should be called out from vices to virtue, from copulations not fit to be spoken, to honest wedlock: and the houses were disposed to the use of schools, universities, hospitals. And it was provided by laws that the sows should not again wallow in such filthy mire. This, he added, was a great and extraordinary favour of God; whereby more were drawn out of the dark kingdom of the Devil, than by all the little constitutions of the popish church heaped together.

Osorius then lamented the taking away of images and pictures, and such like monuments, out of the churches; which being gone, there remained nothing whereby the mind might be raised to the meditation of divine things. But, replied Haddon, our nation, remembering the blindness of the late times, was much afraid of the phrensies of idolatry: against which there was an express command of God. And the gospel bade us take heed of idols. But though this fear were not, yet the doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ ought to have the highest authority among Christian men: whereby it was pronounced that God is a spirit; and they observe the right manner of praying to him, who worship him in spirit and in truth; and that God the Father sought such worshippers. And that this was the safe manner of praying, if we weighed whence it came, [i. e. from the inward man,] and whither it ought to return, [i. e. to Almighty God alone.] Nor did prayer want the help of outward things, by which it might ascend to the throne of God. Yea, that our outward man while it was too much busied in these shadows of holy things, the inward sense of the mind grew cold; and taking in the unwholesome nutriment of a too gaudy religion, lost the true fruit of celestial meditation. He said moreover, that the ancient church of the apostles and martyrs had nothing of these monuments; but in the declining of sincere religion, pictures by little and little crept in; and that former heat of religion glowing in men's minds grew languid; and at last a degenerate school-divinity, deformed with superstition, came in: and presently all was stuffed with pictures and images: and that outward veneration of them, when in all places it increased, the inward worship of God fell off.

Osorius goes on, and writes, that in short all sacred things, ceremonies and sacraments, were overthrown from the foundation by us. Haddon smartly answered, This was too impudent an hyperbole: and proceeded to shew how false this imputation was, by giving account briefly of the divine worship and observance of rites in this nation. And first, because faith came by hearing, we had teachers of the holy scriptures sent forth to all the borders of our country to instruct the common people in all the offices of piety, and to teach them the true worship of God. Then we had a public form of prayer, collected out of the scriptures; strengthened by authority of parliament, (so we call the consent of the three estates of this realm,) whence we did not suffer any to depart, providing in both as well as we could, that the command of the Holy Ghost be obeyed, that saith, That he that speaketh in the church should use the words of God in it; and then, that all agree in one. Further, that we took care that the sacraments were, as near as might be, administered according to the precept of holy scripture, and the example of the ancient church, as our Lord Jesus Christ himself with his apostle instituted them. That all these things were propounded in our own tongue: because it would be a great madness to blatter out that before God which one knows not what it is: and which opposed manifestly that wholesome doctrine of St. Paul, with all the ancient examples of apostolical churches. Furthermore, that we performed the imposition of hands, the celebration of wedlock, the bringing of women lately delivered of child to church, the visitation of the sick, the burial of the dead, with solemn and public offices, composed according to the truth of scripture. And to these we added so much of ceremony, that all things were done in the church conveniently and in order, as we knew we were admonished to do. That of times, places, days, and other circumstances, there was in effect no change made with us. Nor in the whole of our religion was there any thing new, unless what before had either evident absurdity or express impiety. So that [whatsoever the other had most rashly and falsely affirmed] our church was not spoiled, neither of holy things, nor sacraments, nor ceremonies; but in every kind so much was kept, that he would treat us too injuriously, who should slanderously give out, that there was nothing of these remained, when nothing of them was wanting, needful to the true worship of God.

Another charge of Osorius upon us was, that we had skaken off the yoke of the pope. True, said Haddon; for it was too heavy for us or our fathers to bear. Nor did we acknowledge any superior bishop, unless our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom the holy scripture assigned this peculiar honour. Nor did we rend Christ's coat, as Osorius had said; but we only picked a hole in the Roman bishop's cloak. Neither opened we a way to sedition by casting off the pope, as he had said, but we shut up the way that led down to the greatest perverseness of manners, by the means of his licentious leaden bulls.

Osorius then fell upon the manners of the people of England, reproved their pride, their impudence; to which he joined their robberies, conspiracies, and all manner of wickedness. And that the former wholesome discipline was wont to correct men's manners; but that in our times was gone, and therefore that divinity that was void of good fruit ought to be rejected. But Haddon answered, that this was false which he had taken up concerning the perverseness of our people. And were it true, he could never make out what he collected thence. Tares had always been mixed with the harvest. He led Osorius home to his own church, and demanded of him, if they of his communion were not guilty of sins enough. And that therefore he might throw away his argument; which was either of no force, or was of equal force against him and his own church: nay, of more force: for if our people were to be compared with theirs, or our doctrine with theirs, we were ready to make the comparison as soon as he would. That as for our doctrine, he might most truly defend it to be the same with the apostles', derived from the gospel itself. He required Osorius to shew him his church, and desired this might be the controversy between them, whether church was nearer to the apostles in sincerity of manners and truth of doctrine? And if he would accept of this challenge, he would presently join issue with him.

Then Osorius falls to exclaiming against our gospel, uttering all manner of evil speaking here. But Haddon bade him roar as much as he would or could, yet he should never effect it, but that the truth of the ancient and pure gospel would be preached to all by us. And that when we should come to stand before the dreadful tribunal of Christ the judge, and an account required of our faith, it would not be out of the decrees and decretals which Osorius so vehemently embraced, nor out of the Julians and Bonifacians, in whose authority their people acquiesced; but out of this very gospel which he had so pleasantly derided; the gospel, which their church had buried so long, but was restored publicly from heaven by the intervention of some of our pious and learned men. He shewed further, how the people of Osorius's church had, instead of the gospel, some sermons preached by friars, who made declamations to the people after their manner at certain times, and at all other times were silent. And for the most part they used such tedious and trite forms of exhortations, as might invite the auditors to sleep, rather than regard what was said. In the holy things and the sacraments the people enjoyed their ease; nothing for them to do, and the priests performed the whole business by themselves in an unknown tongue. They went to mass, wherein they would have the very substance of religion placed: the priests indeed were very busy, but the people had no part therein but to look on. Nor did the gospel in the mean time come in to trouble them, and all exhortations out of it were wholly silent. Once perhaps in a year they went to the Lord's table, more in solemn ceremony than in a contrite heart. Nor was that done which the institution of our Lord Jesus Christ required, that his death be shewed forth until he came. Again, how much soever the people defiled themselves with sins, there was no public medicine of souls applied. They transacted all privately by whispers in the priests ears: and if the impiety were of a greater size, it was redeemed by lead, [i. e. the pope's bull.]

Such a various, manifold, and vast provision of ceremonies, that a greater outward pleasure of the senses could scarce be invented, while the amending the inward temper of the mind was little or nothing at all. And this was their service.

Then Haddon went on to shew what our divine service who professed the gospel was. First, there were among us constant sermons grounded upon the gospel: the authority whereof either brake the stubbornness of sin by the terrors of the law, or allured to virtue by the greatness of the promises. And in case any men neglected or cared not for these spiritual things, the magistrates caused them to be present at the holy services; wherein they heard not so much the interpretations of men, as openly perceived God and Christ sometimes thundering out threatenings against their sins, and sometimes offering their treasures of mercy. These recitations of the prayers were accompanied with variety of psalms, hymns, and lessons out of the books of both Testaments. So that he must needs be a most unhappy man, that could reap no private benefit to himself, when the word of God sounded so much about him. Then followed the sacrament of the holy table of the Lord, which was constantly used on the festival days. The minister of God called all publicly to come forth, who had agreeably prepared themselves for so divine a banquet. Some came forth, and kneeled humbly upon their knees, being alone by themselves, and left in the midst of the church; and when it was due time, they, in the eyes and ears of all, did openly declare their abhorrence of the naughtiness of their lives; and with one voice beg God's pity and forgiveness. The minister bespake them with chosen places of scripture, partly declaring threatenings against sin, and partly opening the abundant fountains of God's mercy. So that those who were to partake of the holy table did often tremble, and after being refreshed with the hope of pardon, were revived again. Such as had given a dangerous example, either by slandering of others, or by some profligate deed, were struck with anathema, [i. e. excommunicated,] that shame, and shutting them out of communion with others, might call them back to their duty again.

Thus Haddon laid the matter open in particulars, for every one to judge which of the two forms of religious services tended most to edification. He added one thing further, that there was more of sighs and groans in one access of ours to the table of the Lord, than in six hundred of their solemn masses.

Osorius insisted again upon the infinite wickedness of our reformed people, and quoted the old prophets who cried out against the impiety of the backsliding Jews, applying their words hither. But Haddon averred, that the greatest part of ours lived by most upright statutes; and many companies of people joined themselves to the true worship of God; and were as far distant from those impious courses of life which Osorius mentioned, as his speech was from all shame and modesty: and that if he would do any thing to purpose, he bade him compare the darkness of their times with the light of our gospel; and then consider what a difference there was between the one and the other, since in laying wickedness to our charge, he did urge their own reproach, and his own slandering practice, too common throughout his epistle.

The last charge of Osorius was, that we were divided into sects; and that we were entered into consultations together how to destroy all God's religion. So far from that, saith Haddon, that there was a perfect consent and agreement among us: which if he doubted, he required him to have recourse to the Apology, which the church had placed openly in the eyes of the Christian world, as the common and certain pledge or token of our religion. And bade Osorius refute it, if he could. But he could not, (he said,) nor could any of their party do it; however of late there was one, as well as he could, barked at it. And as for our plotting the destruction of religion, that was not possible to be done by us, who most steadfastly believed the immortality of souls. That that was an accusation he should lay upon some nation that doubted of that, if he could find any such in the Christian world. And to satisfy him further, he bade him remember, how firmly our nation had espoused the true worship of God and the sincere doctrine of the gospel, not only by their tongues and writings, but by their banishment, their hunger, their nakedness, by their blood, and life itself.

When Osorius towards his conclusion had writ, that he was longer than he intended, our answerer added, and more indeed than was decent too; especially in the learned ears of the queen's majesty; whose sharpness and judgment he had been afraid of, if he had considered with himself, how much strength of reason and understanding she was endued with; that she read the holy scriptures much and often; that she compared the best interpreters together; that she collected every where the sentences of the most learned divines; that of herself she excelled in the knowledge of tongues: and that as she was of a prompt and sharp wit, so she added so much wisdom to it, as was scarce credible in that sex. And in a word, that she came to sermons; and that in these things her senses were so exercised, partly in reading, and partly in hearing, that she could as well teach him as learn of him. And then he demanded of him, whether he could have any hope, that this most religious and learned princess could be corrupted by his praises, or circumvented by his flattering speeches. And he told Osorius roundly, that those, whosoever they were, that had suborned him to be the accuser of the English nation, especially before the queen's majesty, had grossly abused his easiness.

Osorius yet again rubs upon the fruits of our doctrine, and bids others take a view of them; and required religion to be esteemed by its fruits. But what fruits, said Haddon, would their church have, which was less fruitful than all others? But to comply with him; Let England then be considered, said he, in the condition wherein it was before, deformed with the filthy traditions of men; and be compared with England as it was afterwards, living according to the institution of the gospel. Let our annals be searched: let recourse be had to the monuments of our own memory: and let the queen be judge, and the times compared. Let her give sentence. But if that pleased not, he bade Osorius, if he had not heard it before, learn it of him, what the present condition of England was, that he might hereafter give no credit to the infamous stories of our enemies. We had, he said, a princess presiding over the kingdom, in every respect without compare; her court wanting no ornaments, either for the honour of her majesty, or for the safety of the commonwealth. The archbishops and bishops took upon them the office of preaching in their own persons, [a thing not practised in the popish church.] And being present in their dioceses had the care of all the churches. The nobility of the land did well accord among themselves; and the common people every way dutiful. And a very great tranquillity there was throughout all the realm. Others perhaps had related these matters to him otherwise; but he put him in mind of what his master Tully admonished, "That many men spoke many things, but it was not necessary to believe all." And that our ill-willers told not what they knew to be true, but that which they would have to be so; because their eyes were in pain to see the extraordinary felicity of our state.

At last Osorius pretended great compassion for England; and that because his country Portugal and ours were neighbours and friends. But, said his answerer, if we were their neighbours and friends, why did he so load us with false crimes? Why did he say, "that we had drawn away the people from the most ancient and most holy religion; which was ratified in the blood of Christ, and remained to this very day, and carried them over to another cursed and dreadful religion?" He asked him closely, whether he himself believed what he said. He knew he did not: since in the first and best times of the church, there was neither popedom, nor buying of sins by leaden seals, nor the bargains of purgatory, nor the adorations of images, nor the wandering visitations of saints, nor sacrificings for the living and the dead in masses, and the like: for these disgraces of religion, in what times and by whom they crept into the church, he could not be ignorant, but dissembled all the while, basely to serve the ears of those of his own party.

And whereas Osorius would fain have persuaded the queen, "to relinquish the religion received by the common consent of the state, and to take up his; and that the way was easy to do it; that the glory of it would be eternal, and the whole world would applaud her;" Haddon said, it was a question whether this exhortation had more folly or impiety in it: for should the voice of a Portuguese, the epistle of one Hierom Osorius, break through and overthrow the sacred doctrine of the gospel, continually for more than thirty years (except the late turbulent six years) remaining among us; in which doctrine her royal majesty had led all her life; in which she had found God so favourable to her; in which she had enjoyed already a peaceable five years' reign, flourishing in the greatest prosperity; in which had been the fullest consent of all the states; in which very excellent laws had been made and established: should this single stranger, by a few rhetorical words writ to the queen, supplant this true and sincere worship of God, so carefully on all hands fenced and fortified by her majesty?

And if he hoped for any such success of his pains, he did but unwisely to entertain any such confidence. He might, if he would, write thousands of philippics; all the queen's enemies might flock together, and all that envied and hated her, the great number whereof Osorius pretended to know. [For he had used it as an argument to the queen to forsake her religion on that account, because the papists in her kingdom were more than her subjects that professed the gospel.] Yet as God oftentimes before snatched her out of the hands of her enemies, so he still would preserve her from their malice, and would confirm her in the truth of the gospel, as he did daily; and finally would grant her everlasting glory, for her enlarging the glory of Christ by the gospel.

And whereas Osorius had by way of epilogue adjured and beseeched her again and again to banish from her the authors of this pestilent novelty, (as he called pure religion,) and to betake herself to his church, where, with a great deal of elegancy of speech, he placed the quire of all virtues; Haddon told him his labour was in vain: for what he called novelty of error, her majesty knew to be antiquity of truth; and that she humbly gave God continual thanks for it; and determined not to lay it down but with her life. And that as for him, she thought him a mere stranger in the gospel, if he knew not all this before.

This notable responsory letter was sent by secretary Cecil (as it seems) into France to the learned sir Thomas Smith, the queen's ambassador, to peruse it, and then get it printed there, as Osorius's epistle had been. That such as had read that calumniatory writing might also read this; that right and justice might be done to the English nation. The said ambassador accordingly applied himself to the chancellor of Paris for liberty to print it. But he shifted it off, pretending that Osorius's epistle was printed by stealth without any permission of theirs. Nay the original copy had like to have been quite lost: for it having been put into the hands of Henry Stevens to print it, by some wile it was got out of his hands. And great difficulty there was, and application to the chancellor of Paris, by the said ambassador, before it could be retrieved again. In fine, at last it was printed anno 1563, either in France or elsewhere.

The censure which the foresaid ambassador gave of this book to Haddon himself the author, was, "That nothing could come from Haddon, which was not good Latin in the words, neat and smooth in the speech, and grave in the sentences. And that there was but one thing that he approved not of in that work; which was, that he had to do with an adversary that he so much overmatched; who brought nothing but a bare imitation of Cicero, and was ignorant of the matter he handled."

But Osorius, nettled with this answer of Dr. Haddon, not long after (being now become bishop of Sylva or Arcoburge) gave a reply to it in three books, which was all nothing else but a further and more bitter invective against England; wherein he would seem to post over (as Haddon told him) his whole malice against Luther and his associates: yet he did notwithstanding indict and accuse England; by express words rail on our bishops with most foul and false accusation; condemn the subjects in general of stiffnecked crookedness; our temples, our ceremonies, our laws, and our whole religion, with a shameless tongue and most insolent invective, did deride, condemn, and slander.

Here was work again for our learned apologist, who thought in honour he must not leave this cause of his country and the English church. But it is remarkable how he was dissuaded from it by some foreign Englishmen, and desperately threatened what danger and what work he would draw upon his own head, if he did not stop his pen, and let Osorius have the last word: for, (to continue our account of this controversy,) in the year 1565, one Richard Shacklock, M. A. of Lovain, set forth in English this letter of Osorius with high commendations in the preface, preferring it as far above Haddon's answer, (except that he vouchsafed to call him a man of handsome eloquence,) as the light of the sun was before a link. It was printed at Antwerp, March the 27th the said year, with the title of, A pearl for a prince; which title the French translation had given it before. And it had the allowance of Cornelius Jansenius, professor of divinity of Lovain. And in the conclusion of this book is an address to Mr. Doctor Haddon from Antwerp, trying to affright him from proceeding any further against Osorius: for they tell him, "How Nazianzen witnessed, that Valens the emperor, poisoned with "the Arian heresy, after he had written with his own hand many words concerning the banishment of St. Basil, yet "could not finish those writings, for so much as the pen did three times refuse to yield ink. However, being obstinate in his proposed malice, did not leave off to write that wicked decree, and to subscribe unto it, when it was written; till a great cramp or palsy came into his hand, which did strike such a fear and terror into his heart, that with his own hand he tore that which he had writ. And then Mr. Dr. Haddon was bid, for the love of God, to remember this fearful example. And whereas he did not fear to write against Osorius at the first, because peradventure either he knew it not, or else had forgotten it, now seeing he did know it, and had it fresh brought to his memory, he was warned not to despise it. And that it should be a warning to him, whether he were moved of his own head, or pricked forward by the suggestion of others; whether he were in his own private parlour, or the public parliament house; to say nothing, write nothing, subscribe to nothing pertaining to the defacing of the truth; lest such a cramp took him in the hand when he should write, or such a palsy come into his tongue when he should speak: and so become a spectacle to all men. Further, they bade him enter into an humble confession of his own imperfection: and that in humanity he could do very commendably; but when he came to declaim in divinity, he could no more bestir himself than David in Saul's armour."

But that if he would not cease, they assured him, "That he should stir up so many adversaries against him, that whereas he was master of the requests, and for that cause ought always to be at leisure to hear petitions when suitors came to him, he should be fain to make them this answer; I pray you trouble me not, I must go answer Osorius in Portugal, I must answer Hosius in Polonia, such a man in such a country, &c. And that, if he would not make them such an answer, yet his brains should be busied with so many books and letters from his betters, that his mind should not be upon his charge. And so he would be put out of his place for negligence, or else sent from the court to Cambridge for pity, that he might have more leisure to answer his adversaries, which he would not well like of. Wherefore they prayed him to follow their former counsel: to stay himself; and to recompense his troublesome eloquence with charitable and quiet silence. And because he was master of requests, they prayed him to grant them this request; that he increased not his old fault with a new offence, nor made any new resistance against ancient verity. And that he might be the more afraid to abuse his hand in writing against Osorius, or any other catholic, they prayed him to turn the book named Symbola Heroica into English; where, among many other pictures, he should find a shaking hand with a pen leaping out of it, and this poesy written over it, Ulterius ne tende odlis; i. e. Proceed no further in hatreds. And this heroical device they trusted would terrify him from the like vice."

But notwithstanding all this counsel, (childish enough,) such was Haddon's zeal in answering the second angry and malicious book of Osorius, that in the beginning of his answer he said resolutely, "He stood in the defence of his country, and would persist therein so long as breath was in his body." And indeed in this quarrel he ended his life: for he died when he had not gone half way in his confutation. Whether he had any foul play, I cannot tell; but by the warning given above, it may raise a suspicion; especially since he was at Bruges in Flanders, anno 1566, the last year of his life. He treated his adversary now more smartly than he had done before; but yet used him like a scholar. But with what success he dealt with him, John Fox will tell us, "that he so handled his matters with arguments and reasons, as he seemed not only to have confuted Osorius, but also to have crushed him all to pieces." Where he left off, the said Fox was thought the fittest, for learning and divinity, as well as an excellent Latin style, to go on with the work: and so at length he finished it, by adding above three parts more than Haddon had writ to it; swelling to a pretty large book. And at last it was turned into English by James Bell, and printed by John Day, anno 1581, in 4to. Wherein are fully answered the malicious slanders and misreports raised in those times against our religion, and what was done in the reforming of the church of England justified. And to every thing that was writ, I make no doubt secretary Cecil was privy, and all went through his hand, and the writer had his directions, since the work was of such a public import, and he had concerned himself with this controversy from the beginning. Fox's style was sharp, and oftentimes witty, (for so Osorius was to be dealt withal,) but he shewed also a great deal of good learning and knowledge in ecclesiastical and other history. And thus much for this state-book of Haddon's, with the history of it.

To this let me add another book of good use that came forth this year, printed by Reginald Wolfe, viz. Wolfgang Musculus his Common Places, translated out of Latin into English by John Man, provost of Merton college, Oxon, with an epistle dedicatory to the archbishop of Canterbury, who had lately placed him, in spite of popish opposition, in that college. It is a large folio, containing a good body of practical divinity, profitably and plainly handled, for the use and help of the unlearned, not only laymen, but clergy, (of which sort there were many in these times,) as there were many translations of learned protestant foreigners' writings now printed and published in England, very seasonable and useful: this book, among the rest, being judged by the learned to be of good service, for them that needed by orderly instruction to be taught the principal articles and rules of Christian religion, as they might easily conceive them, and faithfully keep them. It was the work of ten years, written with good advisement, tempered for their measure for whom it was prepared, as the preface shewed. As for Musculus himself, he was public reader of divinity at Berne in Switzerland; a man of most godly life; trained up in learning by the space of near sixty years; occupied in continual reading and expounding of scripture; having achieved thereby to such an excellency, as, the translator saith, he might be numbered amongst the most profoundly learned doctors that have written in the church of God.

Care was taken for Wales, the people whereof were very popish, very ignorant, and very sinful: for the redress whereof, and for the introducing among them the knowledge of true religion, the Bible was translated, or ready to be translated, into their mother tongue, and also the Book of Common Prayer, Administration of the Sacraments, and the Book of Homilies. And for the printing of these books, or any other in the Welsh tongue, tending to the setting forth of godly doctrine, the queen granted a patent for seven years to William Salisbury of Llanraost, gent. and John Waley of London, printer, and to their heirs and assigns, with a prohibition to all others; the bishops of Hereford, St. David's, St. Asaph, Bangor, and Landaff, or any two of them, having knowledge in the said tongue, first perusing and allowing them.

Let me add these scattering historical notices of affairs that fell out within this year by way of brief journal.

In May the bastard son of the king of Navarre came into England from Guien, to see the queen and this country. But some thought it was partly for refuge, fearing displeasure there, because of ill usage of Ferdinando de Toledo.

In August the plague raged in London. So that by the 30th of that month there died about a thousand in a week.

The earl of Hertford, and the lady Katharine, daughter of the late Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk, that were both put into the Tower for their clandestine marriage, (she being of royal blood,) by reason of the plague were this month removed thence: he to remain with his mother, the duchess of Somerset, as prisoner; and she with her uncle, the lord John Grey, at Pyrgo in Essex; where not long after she died with grief.

September the 2d, William Whittingham, (sometime an exile, of whom much is spoken in the Troubles at Frankford,) now dean of Durham, preached at court.

In November, the Portugal ambassador, lately in London, being gone thence for France, the queen writ him a letter thither, both of thanks and of excuse; and sent it to sir Thomas Smith, her ambassador, to deliver it to him: and withal she commanded him to tell him, that because he did desire, when he was here, to see her majesty write, she had subscribed her letter with a few other words; which as she wrote them, so, she said, she meant to perform the sense of the same.

November the 27th, the death in London was decreased to three hundred the last week.

The term was appointed to be kept at Hartford castle, because of the plague at London.

December the 29th, the French having elected the earl of Leicester to be of their order of St. Michael, with a companion, there had been great debate at court sundry times, whether he should accept of the said election: and sometimes it was intended he should accept it alone, and sometimes with a companion. And for that companion, sometimes the lord marquis of Northampton was nominated, and sometimes the earl of Sussex, and sometimes the duke of Norfolk: but, in the end, the queen herself meant to declare all. This variation cost near twelve days. But it seems the queen thought fit to have it refused at this time; notwithstanding, when, two years after, this honour was offered again by the French king after another manner, namely, that she might bestow the ensigns of that order upon any two whom she pleased, she then bestowed them upon the duke of Norfolk and the said earl.

The cold was now so great, that it gave both the queen and her secretary Cecil a disease called the pooss, which affected the head. Upon the secretary it was so much, that he could not see. The queen was cumbered with pain in her nose and eyes, so that she could not sign any letter nor do any business; otherwise in good and perfect health.

Perpetual frosts from the 16th day of December to the 29th, and how much longer I know not, so that men ordinarily passed over the Thames on the ice; which they had not done since the eighth year of the reign of king Henry VIII. which was almost fifty years ago.

In the month of March died the lady Poyntz, whose husband had been a great officer and favourite with king Henry VIII. Her death I should not have mentioned, but because somewhat happened very strange but a little while before her departure. She had married one Dyer, a second husband, whose carriage to her was so inhuman, that it brake her heart with sorrow. While she lay sick, he allowed her not the necessary help of physic. And to add to her grief, she seemed to lie also under the queen's displeasure. However, her majesty, hearing of her great sickness, took pity upon her, and sent her a kind letter, and 50£. to buy her apothecary's stuff; together with which came another letter of comfort from the queen's secretary: with all which she sent Santon, her messenger, to Wells, where the said lady then lay. The messenger came to her, March the 21st, when she had almost lost her hearing, her sight, and speech; and on which day she died. But as soon as the messenger had delivered his message from the queen, and her letters, together with the secretary's, were read to her, she presently recovered perfect hearing, perfect sight, and a perfect voice; which continued with her till her breath failed. She appointed in what order her majesty's letter and the secretary's should be answered; and after she had put her hand to them, and with her own hands taken and kissed and delivered those letters, she presently died, with memory, speech, sight, and hearing perfect, until the last: as sir Nicholas Pointz, her son, gave account in his letter to the secretary.

The queen abode this winter at Windsor, where she had retired a good while before, for avoiding the danger of the plague in London. Here she still followed her studies in a constant course with her schoolmaster Ascham: who was so extremely taken with his royal mistress's diligence and advancement in learning, that once he brake out, in an address to the young gentlemen of England, "That it was their shame, that one maid should go beyond them all in excellency of learning and knowledge of divers tongues. "Point forth, as he made the challenge, six of the best given gentlemen of this court; and all they together shew not so much good will, spend not so much time, bestow not so many hours daily, orderly, and constantly, for the increase of learning and knowledge, as doth the queen's majesty herself. Yea, he believed, that beside her perfect readiness in Latin, Italian, French, and Spanish, she read there at Windsor more Greek every day, than some prebendaries of that church did read Latin in a whole week. And that which was most praiseworthy of all, within her walls of her privy-chamber she had obtained that singularity of learning, to understand, speak, and write, both wittily with head and fair with hand, as scarce one or two rare wits in both the universities had in many years reached unto."

And he added in this his transport, that among all the benefits that God had blessed him withal, next to the knowledge of Christ's true religion, he counted it the greatest, that it had pleased God to call him to be a poor instrument in setting forward these excellent gifts of learning in this prince: whose only example, said he, if the rest of the nobles would follow, then might England be, for learning and wisdom in nobility, a spectacle to all the world beside.

John Strype, excerpt from "Annals of The Reformation" - more to come